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Housing is the most considerable expense for U.S. consumers — and while high rents and home prices are obstacles to saving for potential homebuyers, access to affordable credit is another significant roadblock. 

An estimated 50 million Americans are “credit invisible,” according to a 2022 fact sheet from the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency’s Project REACh, or Roundtable for Economic Access and Change. That means they don’t have a credit file and lack a credit score and, as a result, find it challenging to qualify for a mortgage, credit card or other financing.

″‘Credit invisible’ is someone who hasn’t interacted with the credit system. They either have no credit file or a thin credit file,” said Priscilla Almodovar, the CEO of the housing financing agency Fannie Mae. “So that impacts people who want to buy a home, and that could be people new to this country; it could be Black, Latinos and young people, the millennials, driving this housing demand.”

Still, consumers with thin credit files may have a history of paying rent on time — a factor mortgage financing provider Fannie Mae started to count in late 2022. Its Positive Rent Payment Reporting initiative, which has been extended through the end of 2024, allows people renting in eligible properties to have their rent payments counted by credit rating agencies at no cost. 

“We’re now able to level the playing field and make access to credit something that’s available to many more consumers,” Almodovar said. 

Having little or no credit is a major stumbling block to getting a mortgage. It also prevents consumers from getting attractive rates on all types of loans.

Rent payments can be one way to gain credit visibility.

Fannie Mae’s free program works with providers Esusu Financial Inc., Jetty Credit and Rent Dynamics. There are many other players in the market, too. Experian Boost reports rent payments for free as well as payments for utilities, mobile phones and streaming services. Other rent-reporting firms — including Boom, Rental Kharma, RentReporters and Self — also can provide your rental payments to one or more major credit bureaus for free or a modest fee by allowing access to your bank statements. 

When rent payments are included in credit reports, consumers see an average increase of nearly 60 points to their credit score, according to a 2021 TransUnion report.

Fannie Mae’s pilot program has helped more than 35,000 people establish credit scores, the agency reports. Participants who already had a credit score and saw an improvement had an average score increase of up to 40 points, according to Fannie Mae.

Florida resident Joe Grande, 56, who works as an inventory control clerk, saw a credit boost of 80 points in his first three months, to 660, after signing up for free reporting from his landlord through rent reporting company Esusu, a vendor that works with Fannie Mae. He says the program has helped keep him on track toward his goal of buying a home.

“It makes me feel like I’m in control, but it also makes me want to make sure everything else is paid on time,” Grande said. 

Experts say the impact on your credit can be significant. “What it accomplishes for you, adding 24 on-time payments, it’s like jumpstarting your car with a truck battery,” said Martin Lynch, president of the Financial Counseling Association of America and education director at the non-profit Cambridge Credit Counseling in Agawam, Massachusetts. 

While these programs can help build credit more quickly, experts caution that it takes time to establish a track record.

It typically takes six months to create a credit profile and longer to establish a solid track record of repayment, experts say. Credit scores generally range from 300 to 850 — and lenders generally view a credit score lower than 670 as a higher risk.  

“For somebody with a 680, they’re going to be able to obtain financing, but it’s typically not going to give them access to the lowest interest rates and the best deals,” said Bruce McClary, a senior vice president at the National Foundation for Credit Counseling. 

It’s also important to carefully review the costs and terms of the rent-reporting company you want to use. While the Fannie Mae pilot provides only positive payment history to all three credit bureaus at no cost, consumers using rent reporting outside of that should clarify if there information is being reported to all three of the biggest players: Equifax, Experian and TransUnion.

“If your good payment history is being reporting to one of the three, that can be less impactful than if reported to all three credit bureaus,” said Matt Schulz, chief credit analyst at LendingTree.

This post appeared first on NBC NEWS

DETROIT — Ford Motor will expand production of its large Super Duty trucks to a Canadian plant that was previously set to be converted into an all-electric vehicle hub.

The new plans include investing about $3 billion to expand Super Duty production, including $2.3 billion at Ford’s Oakville Assembly Complex in Ontario, Canada, Ford said Thursday. The remaining investment will be used to increase production at supporting facilities in the U.S. and Canada, the company said.

Ford currently produces Super Duty trucks — the larger siblings of the F-150 full-size pickup used largely by commercial and business customers — at plants in Ohio and Kentucky.

Ford said the Canadian plant, which is expected to come online in 2026, will add capacity of roughly 100,000 units annually.

“Super Duty is a vital tool for businesses and people around the world and, even with our Kentucky Truck Plant and Ohio Assembly Plant running flat out, we can’t meet the demand,” Ford CEO Jim Farley said in a release. “This move benefits our customers and supercharges our Ford Pro commercial business.”

Ford had previously announced plans to invest $1.3 billion into the Canadian plant for EV production. Those plans included a new three-row SUV, which the company recently delayed until 2027.

The announcement comes weeks after Farley said full electrification of “big, huge, enormous” vehicles such as Ford’s Super Duty trucks was “never going to make money.”

Ford said it has plans to “electrify” the next generation of its Super Duty trucks, however it declined Thursday to disclose additional details.

The company said the move supports Farley’s Ford+ blueprint for profitable growth, including maximizing Ford’s manufacturing footprint. It’s the latest pullback for the restructuring plan involving EVs, however the automaker said it still plans to produce the three-row EV at an unspecified plant, starting in 2027.

The Ford+ plan initially focused heavily on EVs when it was announced in May 2021 during the company’s first investor day under Farley, who took over the helm of the automaker in October 2020.

At the time, there was significant optimism around all-electric vehicle adoption and potential profitability that have not materialized as quickly as many had expected.

Ford’s initial plan called for almost half of its global sales to be electric by 2030, fueled by more than $30 billion in investments in EVs through 2025. It’s unclear how much capital the company has spent on EVs to date. Its plans have changed several times, and its “Model e” EV unit lost $4.7 billion in 2023.

While Ford’s EV unit loses billions of dollars, its Ford Pro commercial business including its Super Duty trucks earned $7.2 billion before interest and taxes in 2023.

The Ford+ plan also included a target of 8% earnings before interest and tax, or EBIT, profit margin for the EV unit by the end of 2026. Ford withdrew that target earlier this year. It would have been a massive turnaround from a profit margin of roughly negative 40% in 2022.

Ford said the new Super Duty production will initially secure approximately 1,800 Canadian jobs at the Oakville Assembly Complex, 400 more than would initially have been needed to produce the three-row EV.

This post appeared first on NBC NEWS

This is part of NBC News’ Checkbook Chronicles, a series of profiles highlighting the financial realities of everyday Americans.

Retirement has not been what Lucy Haverfield envisioned.

“I thought my 60s were going to be my golden years. I would watch commercials, and all I saw were people on trips to Cancún or golfing or sitting by the pool. I couldn’t wait,” said Haverfield, a 71-year-old resident of rural Alva, Florida.

“My 60s were nothing like that — nothing,” she said. “Not even remotely like that.”

Primary source of income: Widowed and with her retirement savings drained, Haverfield lives on $2,400 a month in Social Security benefits, totaling $28,800 a year. She said it isn’t enough to afford fresh fruits and vegetables, let alone a meal at a restaurant or a vacation.

Living situation: Haverfield owns her home in Alva, a small community about 20 miles inland from Fort Myers, with mortgage payments of $1,500 a month. When her homeowners insurance doubled recently to $4,000 a year, she had to borrow money from a friend to cover the cost.

Lucy Haverfield and her late husband.Courtesy Lucy Haverfield

Economic outlook: The broader economy feels rocky, Haverfield said, but she doesn’t think much about it because it’s beyond her control.

“It’s like Alcoholics Anonymous: ‘One day at a time.’ I’m going to pay this bill today. I’m not going to worry about the bill after that,” she said. “That’s my economy.”

Before retiring about a decade ago to care for her ailing husband, Haverfield taught at a community college and worked in a range of senior-level telecommunication roles in South Florida. She and her husband lived comfortably when they were both working — eating out, driving the cars they liked and maintaining a small savings account for trips.

The couple had planned to retire with $1 million in savings between their IRA and 401(k). But Haverfield said her husband did a poor job managing their finances, especially as he became ill, and she retired several years earlier than planned to tend to him full-time. Their money quickly dwindled to pay for his care as well as that of her mother and several other ailing relatives.

“We just didn’t anticipate what it would look like for us as caregivers,” she said, describing a financial whiplash many older Americans are confronting as health care costs gobble up their reserves. “We never thought that we wouldn’t make enough money, or that the funds wouldn’t be enough.”

Haverfield is among millions of retirees living on fixed incomes outside of a historically strong labor market and rising wages. One in seven retirees get nearly all their income from Social Security checks, which average around $1,900 a month, according to the AARP. Future retirees are set to follow the trend, with 20% of adults over 50 having no retirement savings.

Even so, Haverfield said, “I’m doing okay. I mean, I still have the lights on — some of them don’t work, but the lights that are working are on. I still am able to pay the mortgage. I have a roof over my head. I still enjoy living.”

Budget pain points: Inflation has hammered Haverfield’s basic living costs. She recalled a recent month when the only food she could afford was a loaf of bread, a jug of milk and a bag of onions. The last time she ate at a restaurant was more than a year ago, she said, and her friend paid.

Sometimes Haverfield skips paying one of her bills to cover food and gas, only to pay a late fee the following month, she said. Desperate to trim her electricity costs, she turns off circuit breakers for any appliances she isn’t using and leaves the heat off in winter, when temperatures can dip into the 50s.

We never thought that we wouldn’t make enough money, or that the funds wouldn’t be enough.

Lucy Haverfield, 71, Alva, Fla.

Canned goods like tuna and canned fruit, along with pasta and frozen vegetables, have become staples in her diet. “I would love to have fresh berries in this house — I would love it, it would be amazing — but that’s not to be,” she said.

Florida has seen some of the highest inflation in the country, driven in part by rising housing, food and insurance costs, according to Moody’s Analytics. Though the state has had one of the lower unemployment rates in the nation, wages haven’t been keeping up with rising housing costs, even in more affordable areas, Zillow researchers have found.

Getting by without a cushion: Without any type of emergency fund, Haverfield said she worries that a major expense, like a car or air conditioning repair, would push her finances to a breaking point. She would have to place any large unexpected purchase on a credit card but she doesn’t know how she’d be able to make even the minimum payments given how tight her budget is already.

Despite being in her 70s, she has considered trying to get a job but worries about the cost of gas and the wear it would put on her 11-year old car. Most job opportunities would require at least a 40-mile round-trip drive from her home, she estimates.

So for now, Haverfield is focused on avoiding financial calamity as best she can.

“It’s just: Survive,” she said. “That’s it.”

This post appeared first on NBC NEWS

Billionaire investor Ken Griffin, founder and CEO of hedge fund Citadel, purchased a late-Jurassic stegosaurus skeleton for $44.6 million at Sotheby’s Wednesday, marking the most valuable fossil ever sold at auction.

The 150 million-year-old stegosaurus named “Apex” measures 11 feet tall and nearly 27 feet long from nose to tail and it is a nearly complete skeleton with 254 fossil bone elements. Apex was only expected to sell for about $6 million.

Griffin won the live auction in New York Wednesday after competing with six other bidders for 15 minutes. He intends to explore loaning the specimen to a U.S. institution, according to people familiar with his plans.

“Apex was born in America and is going to stay in America!” Griffin said after the sale.

Apex shows no signs of combat-related injuries or evidence of post-mortem scavenging, Sotheby’s said. The stegosaurus was excavated on private land in Moffat County, Colorado.

In 2018, Griffin gifted $16.5 million to Chicago’s Field Museum to help fund the display of a touchable cast of the biggest dinosaur ever discovered — a giant, long-necked herbivore from Argentina.

In 2021, he paid $43.2 million for a first-edition copy of the U.S. Constitution, outbidding a group of cryptocurrency investors. He later loaned it to the Crystal Bridges Museum of American Art in Arkansas.

This post appeared first on NBC NEWS

Much of corporate America has flocked to the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee this week, packing luxury suites high above the arena, cutting checks, sponsoring late-night parties and mingling with Republican politicians as well as former and current Trump advisers over happy hours and lunches.

The revelry is a remarkable shift from several years ago, when many corporate donors treated Trump as a pariah after the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol and decried his efforts to overturn the election. Companies faced backlash from an angry workforce if they embraced the former president or supported his nascent effort to return to the White House. In the Republican presidential primary, many of the country’s top donors wrote big checks for Nikki Haley or Ron DeSantis, eschewing Trump.

But now that Trump is the Republican standard-bearer, more than 300 executives and lobbyists are attending the convention as guests of his campaign. That total includes more than a dozen oil and gas CEOs or lobbyists who have fueled the Trump campaign with massive checks. Firms such as Lockheed Martin, Comcast, Pepsi, Aflac and other Fortune 500 companies have executives in attendance, according to Trump campaign officials who, like other people interviewed for this report, spoke on the condition of anonymity to disclose behind-the-scenes details about the convention.

Construction firms, waste management companies, mortgage bankers, trade associations, sugar executives, Realtors, home builders, banks, hotel chains, asphalt companies and others are represented in Milwaukee. “They want to get to know the people who would be in charge of another term,” a lobbyist who represents several of the firms said.

High above the arena floor, on a long, closed-to-the-public concourse lined with wood-paneled luxury suites, the mood has been exuberant. For three nights, the GOP’s top leaders have circulated from box to box along the concourse, watching the action on in-suite televisions and drinking, eating and building relationships with the nation’s wealthiest donors.

“Every night, it’s like a cocktail party,” one person who has attended all three nights said of the concourse. “It’s donors, lobbyists, senators, members of Congress and governors standing outside talking and drinking.”

Trump has not circulated in the suites, but vice-presidential nominee J.D. Vance (R-Ohio) has a suite, according to campaign advisers.

Lobbyists from more than a dozen prominent firms have attended the convention as guests of the Trump campaign’s host committee. To get in the boxes, donors have to have written large checks or have promised large checks.

Top executives in the cryptocurrency industry are also in the boxes, people familiar with the matter said, as they seek to get Trump to take a more favorable approach to the industry than Biden. Trump has embraced cryptocurrency in recent months, and the official Republican Party platform praised the industry.

Multiple donors said they’ve been surprised by how many tech executives have circulated among the luxury suites. Many of the tech executives have been there to support Vance and say a Trump administration will treat their companies better than the Biden administration has.

The boxes have gotten so loud at times that donors have shushed each other. Seizing the opportunity, lawmakers, governors and others have created specialty boxes in hidden corners of the arena where donors can gather in quieter, more private settings.

Donors have been served nacho chips with salsa and guacamole, pigs in blankets, sliders, popcorn, peanuts, wine and beer, and enjoyed a make-your-own-drink bar.

One longtime donor who has attended multiple conventions recalled looking around Wednesday evening and seeing so many elected officials that he was taken aback. At least 30 U.S. senators have visited the boxes, along with the top leadership of the Trump campaign, more than a dozen governors and leadership of the U.S. House, people in the boxes said.

“The thing that made my eye pop a little bit is the high concentration of Trump officials and elected officials in such a small space. It’s just been really remarkable,” the donor said.

The convention has raised a record $85 million from corporate America, according to Reince Priebus, chairman of the RNC host committee, and corporations have sponsored boozy parties across town.

Priebus, who has the best suite, entertains nightly and issues some of the most sought-after invites, people at the convention said.

“Companies across Milwaukee, the state of Wisconsin and the country have been very generous to the Milwaukee Host Committee and we are beyond grateful,” Priebus said.

Conventions have always been a favored spot for corporations and lobbyists to mingle, meet with influential politicians, curry favor with political campaigns and witness politics up close. On the Democratic side, some of the country’s top unions and billionaires also have special access to politicians during the convention. This year’s Democratic National Convention will be held in Chicago next month.

But corporations and lobbyists’ presence at the Republican National Convention this year is notable because it shows that corporate America has returned to Trump — even as some of the speakers at the convention, including the head of the Teamsters union, have decried corporations and their influence.

Some donors groaned audibly during a speech delivered by the Teamsters president, one donor said. But GOP donors have largely been optimistic about the party’s chances and pleased with the convention.

To be sure, some major donors, including Citadel CEO Ken Griffin, Blackstone CEO Steve Schwarzman and Tesla CEO Elon Musk, have not shown up to the luxury suites.

Republican strategist Matt Mackowiak, who is close to donors and attending the convention, said corporate America has several reasons to return to the GOP fold.

“The big reason is the tax cuts. Is Biden going to extend the tax cuts? The answer is no,” Mackowiak said. “Trump is going to do it. They’re going to put it on steroids.”

As he asks for money, Trump has repeatedly promised major donors that he will cut their taxes — and said Biden will raise them.

One of the biggest donors at the convention is Harold Hamm, an oil billionaire from Oklahoma who is friends with the former president. Trump has asked the oil industry to bring in $1 billion, and lobbyists from multiple oil companies are attending the event. Trump has promised in fundraisers to enact policies that oil executives want.

But the main reason many executives have given, according to many donors, is they believe Trump will be back in office — or at least are concerned enough to hedge their bets. “Money wants to be with the winner,” Mackowiak said.

Business executives are not necessarily pro-Trump but are furious with Gary Gensler, Lina Khan and other Biden administration officials and how they have approached regulations, one prominent business executive who attended the convention said.

“A lot of people say, at this point, ‘We’ll take the mean tweets,’” said the person, who is not a Trump fan.

On the Democratic side, donors are increasingly less likely to want to attend the convention if Biden is the nominee, several donors said. “Money is drying up,” a prominent Democrat involved in the Biden operation said.

“Almost everyone I talk to is despondent about the situation on the Democratic side,” said Kathy Wylde, who leads the Partnership for New York City, a major business group. “It’s not just Biden’s weak performance but equally the fact that Americans are resorting to violence, both physical and rhetorical, to resolve their dissatisfaction with the state of affairs. Business abhors political instability, which seems to have overtaken the country.”

This post appeared first on The Washington Post

MILWAUKEE — Dozens of speakers this week have taken to the sleek Republican National Convention stage to present a united front on opposing leftism at home and promoting conservative populism.

But many have avoided talking about a longtime party priority: ending abortion.

After Republicans approved a new party platform Monday that abandoned the party’s long-standing explicit support for a national abortion ban, a small number of speakers have mentioned abortion. Off the convention stage, the most ardent antiabortion activists have condemned the change, but many delegates here have said they understand the adjustment after voters have rejected abortion restrictions. Former president Donald Trump, who accepted the party’s presidential nomination, has said abortion restrictions should be left up to the states. Some supporters are now repeating that message, the latest example of Trump moving the party faithful toward his personal ideology.

Wisconsin delegate Dixon Wolfe, 23, studied at the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary and described himself as “very pro-life.” But he said he understands “the culture is not on board” with the antiabortion movement.

“So Republicans need to be practical and pragmatic about the abortion issue, in my opinion,” Wolfe said. “They need to definitely leave it up to the states like Trump has said.”

At campaign speeches, in social media posts and on mailers, Trump has touted his role in “ending Roe,” after three Supreme Court justices he nominated helped overturn the law that for nearly 50 years had protected the right to abortion. His newly named running mate, Sen. J.D. Vance (R-Ohio), had previously endorsed national restrictions on abortion. But during his acceptance speech Wednesday night, Vance didn’t mention abortion.

Some delegates were disappointed and said they wanted to see the party push for a national ban. The party platform has long advocated for a 20-week abortion ban but dropped that from this week’s document. The new platform still includes language that links abortion to the 14th Amendment, leaving open a path to legislation or court decisions that would grant fetuses additional legal rights. But some antiabortion advocates are upset that the platform no longer says that “the unborn child has a fundamental right to life” and no longer explicitly says the 14th Amendment should be clarified to protect embryos and fetuses.

David Lightner, a Missouri delegate and an RNC committeeman, said he was “a little disturbed” by the change.

“I know everybody on the ground is not happy,” he said. “We’re pro-lifers in Missouri. That’s what we’re all about.”

Missouri delegate Zina Hackworth looked around the cavernous Fiserv Forum on Monday during the platform vote, expecting someone to step up and object, but she was frustrated when no one did, and it overwhelmingly passed. Since then, Hackworth said she has heard some speakers mention abortion in passing, but it has mattered little to her.

“If our platform doesn’t say it, it’s a moot point to me,” she said. “Don’t tell me that you’re protecting life if you’re not telling the whole story.”

In one of the few mentions of abortion policy, Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.), who chaired the platform committee, declared ahead of the Monday vote that the platform is “protecting life for the born and unborn.”

Utah delegate Gayle Ruzicka, who was on the committee but complained that antiabortion activists had little say in the plank, shook her head at Blackburn’s mention of the unborn.

“She made that up,” she whispered to a delegate next to her.

Diane Hendricks, a Trump donor who spoke Thursday night, seemed to allude to the abortion debate in passing — saying that she got pregnant at 17 and gives “thanks every day for my son.”

“I truly believe that every life is a sacred gift from God,” she said. But she did not connect her personal experience to any discussion of abortion policy.

North Carolina Evangelical Rev. Franklin Graham also briefly mentioned the issue in a call-and-response portion of his speech in which he listed the actions Trump took to appeal to Christian demands.

“When he told me and our country in 2016 that he was going to appoint conservative justices in 2016, guess what he did?” Graham asked.

“He did,” the audience responded.

To Julie Emmons, a delegate from Graham’s state, that mention was about the Dobbs decision.

“I can’t think of a more important topic to talk about than protecting life,” she said, acknowledging that she didn’t want to criticize the speakers who had left out the topic.

Blocks from the convention, Jessica Newell, a 21-year-old Live Action activist, inflated red heart-shaped balloons ahead of the platform vote and expressed frustration when she heard it was about to pass. She warned that Republicans may lose a solid base of support. The majority of Republicans and independents who lean toward the Republican Party, 57 percent, believe abortion should be illegal in all or most cases, according to a Pew Research Center poll. Meanwhile, 85% of Democrats and Democratic leaners said it should be legal.

“A lot of people I’ve talked to talk about being politically homeless,” she said. “Our options are voting Democrat or voting Democrat.”

But Trump allies, including some who feel strongly about abortion, are skeptical that Trump’s effort to thread the needle on that issue would cost him with socially conservative voters, given their staunch support for him and his agenda overall.

Abortion came up with greater frequency during a Thursday morning breakfast hosted by the Faith and Freedom Coalition, a Christian group closely allied with Trump. Hackworth attended, donning gold lapel pins shaped like hands and feet that have developed in the womb at 10 weeks and listened as Republican National Committee Chair Michael Whatley declared that he was proud to be “the most pro-life chair in the history of the Republican Party.”

“How can anyone say we’re the party of life?” Hackworth asked rhetorically. “I’m just tuning that out now.”

This post appeared first on The Washington Post

MILWAUKEE — Donald Trump accepted his third straight Republican nomination on Thursday by wrapping a fresh gesture toward unity around the same dark view of American decline and loathing for his political opponents and immigrants that have defined his nine-year political career and transformed the GOP.

The former president dramatically recounted the experience of narrowly missing a would-be assassin’s bullet five days ago, and he opened and concluded with calls for Americans to set aside the rancorous partisan divisions he has played no small role in stoking.

In between, he rehearsed his usual themes of framing this election in catastrophic terms, characterizing the current state of affairs with doom and destruction. Trump also used the banner of unity to return to form in assailing the criminal cases against him, saying the prosecutors should drop the charges and Democrats should stop calling him a threat to democracy.

He invited Democrats, independents and minorities to join his cause, positioning the entire citizenry as shared victims of failed leadership and foreigners. He returned to his refrain of vilifying undocumented immigrants as dangerous, describing them without evidence as criminals and mentally ill. Within half an hour, the speech started resembling a typical rally, with ad-libbed shout-outs to VIPs and railing against subpoenas and former House speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.).

Pointedly, he named President Biden only once — reflecting the uncertainty surrounding who his opponent will be, as sagging polls and fundraising concerns lead Democrats to escalate pressure on Biden to step aside.

Aides and advisers said beforehand that Trump’s speech would showcase a newly heartfelt, personal and conciliatory tone, using the opportunity to reintroduce himself and redefine the race for a prime-time audience of millions. The former president said he tore up an earlier draft by campaign policy adviser Vince Haley and former White House adviser Stephen Miller to reflect a new message after the assassination attempt.

Investigators have not identified a moment or indicated they have found any evidence of a political or ideological motive to the shooting, which was carried out by a registered Republican and killed one rallygoer and injured two others.

Trump wrote much of the speech on his own, dictating his thoughts to speechwriters, advisers said. Still, he improvised significantly during the delivery. He added a reference to his false insistence that the 2020 election was stolen, a subject advisers have tried to limit and that was not in his scripted remarks.

Trump dramatically recounted his experience of the assassination attempt at the start of his speech, saying he would tell the story this one time only because it was “too painful to tell.”

“There was blood pouring everywhere, and yet in a certain way I felt very safe because I had God on my side,” Trump said. “I’m not supposed to be here tonight,” he added, prompting chants of “Yes you are!” Trump responded, “Thank you, but I’m not.”

Trump interrupted his speech to walk over and kiss the firefighter’s uniform and helmet of Corey Comperatore, the rallygoer who was killed while covering his family to protect them from the gunshots. He asked for a moment of silence.

Trump said he raised his fist to signal to the crowd that he was okay, prompting his supporters in the arena to chant the word they already knew he’d used: “Fight!” That chant, along with the image of Trump with his fist raised and blood on his face, became the signature icons of this convention. The images surrounded Trump as he spoke, and the “Fight” refrain made it into an adaptation of “American Bad Ass” performed by Kid Rock shortly before Trump took the stage.

Introductory speeches from Tucker Carlson, Trump’s son Eric and entertainer Hulk Hogan echoed the dark and divisive messages of many Trump events. Carlson said the assassination attempt transformed Trump from a nominee or future president into “the leader of a nation.” Hogan called the cheering crowd “real Americans” who would adopt the nickname “Trumpites” and would be “running wild for four years” when Trump is president again.

Eric Trump responded to concerns about Trump’s authoritarian instincts by countering, “He is not a threat to democracy, he is a threat to those who despise our republic, many whom are bought and sold, bribed and coerced people who have never signed the front of a check and who have been dependent on the government their entire adult lives.”

The roaring arena here had the feel of an Ultimate Fighting Championship match for much of the night, including Trump’s introduction by UFC president Dana White. The speech capped a week-long showcase of his fully transformed and consolidated Republican Party, culminating a stunning comeback for a former president who left the White House a twice-impeached pariah who tried to overturn his election defeat and was widely blamed for weighing down his party during the disappointing 2022 midterms.

The convention also studiously de-emphasized themes of Trump’s other speeches, such as defending his supporters who attacked the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021; Trump’s role in reversing Roe vs. Wade; his criminal felony convictions in New York; and the repeated false claims of election fraud that have dominated Trump’s stump speeches but have remained scarce in Milwaukee this week.

Democrats were also quick to move past their détente in the immediate aftermath of the assassination attempt. The Biden campaign resumed airing attack ads, running mobile billboards around Milwaukee and holding daily news conferences responding to messaging at the Republican National Convention.

“Nothing says uniting like leading ‘fight’ chants from the main stage,” Biden campaign spokesman Quentin Fulks said Thursday morning. “That sure doesn’t seem like a party that’s unifying the country to me.”

Trump spoke wearing a white bandage over his injured right ear, which inspired some delegates in the arena to wear paper ear flaps in a show of solidarity.

Trump spent the week staying in his hotel suite, meeting with some donors, former British prime minister Boris Johnson and supporters; and attending parts of each evening’s programming. His expression as he entered the arena on Monday showed visible sensitivity to the crowd’s ovation, in contrast to his typical trademark scowl or grin.

A few hours before the speech on Thursday, Trump visited the Florida delegation, telling them his running mate Sen. J.D. Vance (R-Ohio) was a “superstar” and important to his future, according to people present, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to comment. He also said that during the debate, he was repeatedly surprised because he could not understand what Biden was saying, they said.

Advisers said Trump has been pleased with the week’s speeches, particularly praise from former rivals such as Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) and former U.N. ambassador Nikki Haley. Trump decided to invite Haley last weekend after initially planning to exclude her.

The prime-time programming emphasized spotlighting “everyday Americans” with personal experiences to illustrate the nightly themes, coming at the expense of speaking slots for elected officials and party leaders. The speeches were consistent to the point of becoming repetitive, with no memorable performances that energized the audiences or elevated rising stars the way that Democrat Barack Obama did in 2004 or Republican Sarah Palin did in 2008.

That may have been as much by design as accident, keeping Trump as the singular focus of the speakers’ and the delegates’ adulation and building suspense for his grand finale.

The convention also served to showcase Trump’s transformation of the party, in policy and personality. His campaign rewrote the platform to shift from free trade to tariffs and from supporting a constitutional amendment banning abortion to letting states set their own rules, including total abortion bans. The nightly show has included a supercut of Trump dancing to “YMCA” and a hip-hop parody track titled “Trump Trump Baby.”

“The convention this far has been executed pretty flawlessly, from the message discipline to the visuals,” Trump senior adviser Chris LaCivita said at an event Thursday hosted by Politico.

Trump’s wife, Melania, attended Thursday night, after early plans showed she would not be at the convention. She has been largely absent from the campaign trail since the launch in November 2022. Trump advisers wanted Melania Trump to speak at the convention but she wasn’t interested, advisers said.

Donald Trump’s daughter, Ivanka, and her husband, Jared Kushner, who served in his administration but have not been involved in the current campaign also attended Thursday.

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MILWAUKEE — Welcome to The Campaign Moment. This week, we’re running through the big moments and trends from the Republican National Convention.

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The big moment

The 2024 GOP convention came to a close Thursday night, with former president Donald Trump formally accepting his party’s nomination just five days after surviving an assassination attempt.

But even that story wasn’t necessarily the biggest of Thursday, as the potential exit of the opponent Republicans had spent four days attacking — President Biden — loomed larger and larger.

Here’s our final set of takeaways from the convention week that was.

1. A tale of two Trump speeches: powerful and perplexing

The first 15 minutes of Trump’s speech were powerful, as he recounted Saturday’s assassination attempt.

The rest of the more than 90-minute-long speech was thoroughly confusing. It meandered between points, often going off-script with ad-libs that left a standard-issue Trump campaign speech without the kind of coherent, lofty theme that defines traditional presidential convention fare. And Trump’s initially subdued manner and calls for unity didn’t match the content of an often-divisive speech.

Trump grabbed the audience with a promise to discuss what happened Saturday, but qualified it by saying he would only do it once, “because it’s actually too painful to tell.”

He celebrated slain firefighter Corey Comperatore and two others who were shot.

Perhaps the most powerful moment came when Trump said, “I’m not supposed to be here tonight.” The crowd began chanting, “Yes you are!” Trump ultimately responded, “Thank you, but I’m not.”

“Despite such a heinous attack, we unite this evening more determined than ever,” Trump wrapped up that section. “I am more determined than ever. So are you. So is everybody. … Our resolve is unbroken, and our purpose is unchanged.”

Also unchanged: Virtually the rest of his speech, undifferentiated from a normal Trump stump speech.

Despite the call for unity, Trump soon referred to “crazy Nancy Pelosi,” repeatedly cited false allegations of stolen elections, called for the firing of the head of the United Auto Workers, cited the “China virus” and the “invasion” at the Southern border. He called a Democratic senator a “total lightweight.” He even repeated a puzzling allusion to “the late, great Hannibal Lecter,” from “The Silence of the Lambs,” which he’s used before.

All of it was familiar from Trump’s speeches — as was the extensive ad-libbing. But this wasn’t just any Trump speech. This was a different venue, his introduction to many more casual voters who might not eat up his many musings.

The assassination attempt probably drew even more eyeballs to him, and it’s not clear what those new viewers took away, beyond that Trump was nearly killed five days ago.

“So I’d better finish strong,” Trump said at one point. “Otherwise we’ll blow it. And we can’t let that happen.”

2. Republicans trolled Democrats on replacing Biden

As Democrats appeared to inch closer to replacing their 2024 standard-bearer, Republicans decided now would be a good time to stir the pot.

Previously, some high-profile Republicans made clear their preference for facing Biden and began attacking Vice President Harris more. But Wednesday, their move was to try to stoke Democratic divisions, casting any attempt to replace the nominee as a brazen and even undemocratic one.

Top Trump campaign adviser Chris LaCivita, at a CNN/Politico event, called it an attempted “coup” and an effort to “depose” Biden “that’s going to create a whole host of different issues.”

At another event, former Trump acting director of national intelligence Richard Grenell called efforts to switch nominees “outrageous” and urged the media to declare that “you don’t get to dump this [president]. This is what happens in other countries, not in America.”

On X, Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.) labeled it an “insurrection.”

None of these descriptions actually fit; Democrats are trying to persuade Biden to drop out, not overturn the primary results themselves. But as the Biden loyalists get a little quieter, there’s certainly value for Republicans in framing things this way in hopes of riling them (or perhaps even Biden) up.

At the very least, Republicans seemed to be having some fun trolling Democrats over their discord.

3. They leaned in on the assassination attempt — and maybe God’s favoritism

Trump wasn’t the only one to focus extensively on the assassination attempt.

Speakers repeatedly pitched it and Trump’s response as evidence of Trump’s resolve, courage — and possibly even God’s will that he be president.

Eric Trump focused on it, calling Trump “a man who survived a bullet that was intended to eliminate him permanently from our future and from our family.”

“You wiped the blood off your face,” Eric Trump said. “And you put your fist in the air, in a moment that will be remembered as one of the most courageous acts in the history of American politics.”

Trump lawyer Alina Habba said Trump “did not just take a bullet in Butler, Pennsylvania. He has and will continue to take them for each and every one of us.”

While other Trump supporters have posited that God intervened to save Trump, a couple of speakers seemed to go a little further to suggest it showed God’s favoritism.

Evangelical leader Franklin Graham, unlike many others pointing to possible divine intervention, noted that firefighter Corey Comperatore was not spared.

“I cannot explain why God would save one life and allow another one to be taken,” Graham said. “I don’t have the answer for that.”

Former Fox News host Tucker Carlson suggested that he did have that answer.

“When he stood up after being shot in the face, bloodied, and put his hand up, I thought at that moment that was a transformation. This was no longer a man. Well, I think that I think it was divine intervention,” Carlson said, adding: “This was the leader of a nation.”

Carlson added: “I think a lot of people are wondering, what is this? This doesn’t look like politics. Something bigger is going on here. I think even people who don’t believe in God are beginning to think, well, maybe there’s something to this, actually.”

Take a moment to read:

“What happens if Biden drops out of the presidential race?” (Washington Post)“Pelosi has told House Democrats that Biden may soon be persuaded to exit race” (Washington Post)“Obama tells allies Biden’s path to winning reelection has greatly diminished” (Washington Post)“The right is attacking the Secret Service’s women agents. Trump hasn’t joined in.” (Politico)“Pelosi, Long Fixated on Winning, Is in No Mood to Lose With Biden” (New York Times)

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Republican National Convention attendees are not just getting former president Donald Trump onstage — they’re seeing, well, lots and lots of Trumps. Five family members have appeared on the stage in Milwaukee this week.

The family presence shows not just how the convention has become a family affair but how intertwined members of the Trump family have become with the Republican Party infrastructure, as the Republican National Committee co-chair or advisers.

Each of Trump’s five children have already become minor political celebrities in their own right, and most have been heavily involved in Trump’s campaign, his previous administration or the Trump Organization. And then there were some Trumps — like the Republican front-runner’s eldest grandchild, Kai Trump — who made their national stage debut this week.

The former president’s wife, Melania, and high-profile eldest daughter, Ivanka, each appeared at the convention’s closing night on Thursday, but did not speak.

Here’s what to know about the Trump family members at the Republican National Convention.

Eric Trump

Trump’s second-oldest son, Eric Trump, 40, spoke at the convention Thursday night. He, like his brother Don Jr., is an executive vice president in the Trump Organization, and he has been supporting his father during the campaign, speaking at state conventions and to the media about the assassination attempt and their family.

“America knows that they’re not just after you,” Eric Trump said in his remarks, addressing his dad in the audience with his take on a popular rallying cry among Trump loyalists. “They’re after all of us, and you just happen to be standing in the way.”

He listed the problems he claimed a Trump presidency would solve. “Everything is unaffordable,” he said, adding: “Our infrastructure is crumbling. Our border is out of control. Millions are dead and displaced in Russia and Ukraine, a war that has no end and a war that we are funding.”

Donald Trump Jr. and his daughter Kai

Donald Trump Jr., 46, was one of the last to speak Wednesday — just before Usha Vance, the wife of vice-presidential pick J.D. Vance, and the vice-presidential nominee himself.

Trump’s eldest son is a frequent proxy for his father and serves as an executive vice president in the Trump Organization.

He spoke at length about the assassination attempt against his father at a campaign rally in Pennsylvania and praised Trump’s reaction as a show of strength. “I’ve never been prouder of my father than I was in that moment,” he said.

Donald Trump Jr.’s daughter, Kai Trump, 17, gave what her father described as her “first speech” Wednesday and emphasized what a supportive grandfather the elder Trump has been.

“A lot of people have put my grandpa through hell, and he’s still standing,” she said. “Grandpa, you are such an inspiration, and I love you. The media makes my grandpa seem like a different person.”

After she spoke, her father told her, “You crushed that,” while someone in the crowd yelled “Kai 2040!”

Lara Trump

Lara Trump, 41, the co-chair of the Republican National Committee and Eric Trump’s wife, was the first Trump family member to speak on the main stage of the convention Tuesday night.

Lara Trump spoke about her father-in-law’s role as a family man who “has sacrificed for his country,” and she urged voters not to believe “some outrageous narrative about the terrible things that Donald Trump will do if he becomes president.”

Notably, she gave a shout-out to “gay supporters” in her prime-time speech. The Republican Party just removed its platform’s opposition to same-sex marriage.

Kimberly Guilfoyle

Kimberly Guilfoyle, 55, Donald Trump Jr.’s fiancée, was one of several speakers on Wednesday to say that Trump survived his attempted assassination due to divine intervention. Guilfoyle, who is also an adviser to Trump, began her speech by saying she knows that “God has put an armor of protection over Donald Trump.”

Guilfoyle railed against President Biden and Democrats, arguing that Trump supporters are “made to feel like enemies in our own country.”

Where are Melania Trump and Ivanka Trump?

Notable members of the Trump family have not spoken at the convention. Trump’s wife, Melania Trump, 54, and Trump’s daughter, Ivanka Trump, 42, are not on the list of announced headliners and keynote speakers, but they did appear at the convention on Thursday evening, its final night.

Ivanka Trump and her husband, Jared Kushner, joined her father and close supporters at the convention on Thursday. Melania Trump appeared, too, wearing red and waving to supporters as she walked to take her seat with other members of the family in the VIP box.

Ivanka Trump, who served as a senior adviser to her father during his presidency, said in 2022 that she would support her father outside the political arena moving forward because she wanted to preserve her family’s privacy. And Melania Trump has increasingly retreated from the public eye since the end of Trump’s presidency, though in a statement Sunday about the shooting, she praised her husband as a “generous and caring man.”

Donald and Melania Trump’s son, Barron Trump, 18, is also not scheduled to speak.

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Former president Donald Trump’s 92-minute speech accepting the Republican presidential nomination on the final night of his party’s national convention rambled, often incoherently, through a hit parade of his favorite falsehoods, many of them ad-libbed instead of drawn from his prepared remarks. Here are 34 claims that caught our attention, in the order in which he made them. As is our practice, we do not award Pinocchios for a roundup of statements made during convention events.

“When we handed over a stock market that was substantially higher than just prior to covid coming in, did a great job, never got credit for that.”

Trump as president frequently touted the rise of stock prices during his presidency. The S&P 500 index gained about 70 percent during his first term. But it has gone up 50 percent under Biden. Moreover, the record under Barack Obama beat both men.

“The biggest tax cuts ever.”

This is also one of Trump’s favorite falsehoods. Trump’s tax cut amounted to nearly 0.9 percent of the gross domestic product, meaning it was far smaller than President Ronald Reagan’s tax cut in 1981, which was 2.89 percent of GDP.

Trump’s tax cut is the eighth-largest tax cut in the past century — and even smaller than two tax cuts passed under President Barack Obama. Trump’s tax cut was heavily tilted toward the wealthy and corporations.

“The biggest regulation cuts ever.”

Trump’s claim of the most or biggest regulation cuts cannot be easily verified and appears to be false. There is no reliable metric on which to judge this claim — or to compare him with previous presidents. Many experts say the most significant regulatory changes in U.S. history were the deregulation of the airline, rail and trucking industries during the Carter administration, which are estimated to provide consumers with $70 billion in annual benefits. A detailed November 2020 report by the Penn Program on Regulation concluded that “without exception, each major claim we have uncovered by the President or other White House official about regulation turns out to be exaggerated, misleading, or downright untrue.” The report said that the Trump administration had not reduced the overall number of pages from the regulatory code book and that it completed far more regulatory actions than deregulatory ones once the full data set was examined.

“‘Right to Try’ was a big deal. We got Right to Try. They were trying to get that for 52 years.”

Right to Try wasn’t a protracted battle — the idea emerged in 2013. (Trump often falsely claims it was a 45-year or 50-year battle, or as he did here, 52 years.) The initiative allowed for the use of experimental drugs, not approved by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), as a last resort for those unable to participate in clinical testing who have also exhausted all other treatment options. The FDA had already approved 99 percent of requests for access to unapproved drugs, but supporters thought these policies too restrictive.

“We have an inflation crisis that is making life unaffordable, ravaging the incomes of working and low-income families, and crushing, just simply crushing, our people like never before.”

The monthly inflation headlines are often about the year-over-year inflation rate, as measured by changes in the consumer price index. Inflation reached a high of 9 percent in June 2022. Annualized inflation has dropped significantly since then. The year-over-year figure in June was 3.0 percent — a significant drop.

Inflation initially spiked because of pandemic-related shocks — increased consumer demand as the pandemic eased and an inability to meet this demand because of supply chain issues, as companies had reduced production when consumers hunkered down during the pandemic. Indeed, inflation rose around the world — with many peer countries doing worse than the United States — because of pandemic-related shocks that rippled across the globe.

Wage growth lagged inflation initially in Biden’s term, but it has since caught up. Wages have risen 19.4 percent, compared to cumulative inflation of 19.2 percent. That’s basically treading water, but it’s not as dire as Trump claims.

“I will end the devastating inflation crisis immediately, bring down interest rates, and lower the cost of energy. We will drill, baby, drill.”

Trump has proposed a number of the policies that economists consider to be inflationary, such as a proposal for across-the-board tariffs. (Trump has thrown out a figure of 10 percent, but his staff has said the actual number has not been determined.) Trump has also suggested he would impose a 60 percent tariff on all Chinese goods. While Trump frequently claims tariffs are paid by countries, that’s wrong; the cost of the tariffs generally are passed onto consumers, so it is a form of tax.

The Federal Reserve sets interest rates and Biden has respected its independence, even as it kept interest rates high to keep inflation in check. Cutting interest rates too rapidly could spark inflation.

The Wall Street Journal, in its quarterly survey of forecasters this month, reported “most economists believe inflation, deficits and interest rates would be higher during a second Trump administration than if Biden remains in the White House.”

It also defies economic logic to claim that higher oil production will bring prices down. Domestic oil production and natural gas production are already at record highs under Biden.

“By doing that, we will lead a large-scale decline in prices. Prices will start to come down. Energy raised it.”

Continuing this theme, Trump jumps the shark to claim the solution to inflation is to expand domestic oil production. Energy costs are volatile, and so many economists prefer to focus on what is known as “core inflation” — the price of goods and services excluding energy and food. That’s because energy, like food, is a staple, and demand doesn’t change much no matter the price. People generally need to keep driving cars and eating food. Oil and gas, along with some food products like pork, are also commodities and trade on exchanges, making prices subject to speculation depending on weather, wars and other unforeseen events. Egg prices, in fact, spiked as much as 230 percent in January 2023 because of the bird flu.

“We’ll start paying off debt and start lowering taxes even further.”

Trump often has magical thinking about the national debt. When he first ran for president, Trump confidently claimed that he could eliminate the national debt — then $19 trillion — in just eight years through better trade deals. We gave him Four Pinocchios. He walked back the pledge, saying he would reduce a percentage of the debt. That didn’t happen. Instead, under Trump, the debt climbed to $27.8 trillion from not quite $20 trillion, a gain of $7.9 trillion. (More than half of the debt under Trump came in the last 10 months of his term because of the pandemic.)

Running again for president, Trump now claims the debt would be reduced by money generated by oil and natural gas reserves in the ground. But most of the money is earned by oil producers, not the federal government. The federal government might own some of the land and earn leasing fees. Such fees on U.S. federal lands, federal waters and Native American lands amounted to about $20 billion in fiscal 2022, according to CRFB. The government also earns fees from taxes on sales, with a substantial portion already dedicated to transportation projects. All told, the federal government earns about $100 billion a year from fees and taxes on fossil fuel, according to a 2022 report from Resources for the Future, a nonprofit research group.

The United States had a budget deficit almost four times as high — $383 billion — just in the first two months of fiscal 2024 (which began Oct. 1), showing the folly of Trump’s logic.

“People don’t realize I brought taxes way down, way, way down. And yet we took in more revenues the following year than we did when the tax rate was much higher.”

This is poppycock. Before the pandemic, government revenue under Trump was always supposed to go up year after year, despite the tax cut. That’s because the tax cut merely slowed the growth of revenue, it did not reduce it. As predicted by congressional budget analysts, revenue went way down from what had been anticipated before Congress approved Trump’s tax cut, which (along with higher spending) was the reason the federal budget deficit soared despite a good economy — when ordinarily that would mean a reduced budget deficit

“I will end every single international crisis that the current administration has created, including the horrible war with Russia and Ukraine, which would have never happened if I was president and the war caused by the attack on Israel, which would have never happened if I was president.”

There is no evidence that the invasion of Ukraine or the Hamas attack on Israel would not have happened if Trump had been president. In fact, before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Trump called Russian president Vladimir Putin a “genius” and “very savvy” for advancing on Ukraine.

“You got to say, that’s pretty savvy,” Trump said on a conservative talk radio show of Putin’s decision to declare certain breakaway regions in Ukraine as independent. “And you know what the response was from Biden? There was no response. They didn’t have one for that. No, it’s very sad. Very sad.” “This is genius,” Trump said. “Putin declares a big portion of the Ukraine … Putin declares it as independent. Oh, that’s wonderful.”

Trump, in his speech, suggested that Iran funded the attack by Hamas but a link has not been established.

“They were ready to make a deal. Iran was going to make a deal with us.”

There is no evidence this is the case. Trump has sometimes claimed that Iran personally warned him they would attack a U.S. base and deliberately miss it. In reality, a vague warning without a target was given to the Iraqi president — and most of the missiles hit the base. No one was killed, but that was more a result of a well-planned evacuation than Iranian targeting. Despite no fatalities, many soldiers suffered serious brain injuries.

“They [Democrats] used covid to cheat [in the election] and [we’re] never going to let it happen again.”

More than sixty lawsuits were filed over the 2020 election, but not a single court identified fraud.

“Now Iran is very close to having a nuclear weapon, which would have never happened.”

Trump pulled out of an international nuclear agreement restraining Iran’s nuclear ambitions that had been negotiated over many years. European allies rejected Trump’s efforts to dismantle the deal and Iran ramped up its nuclear efforts. Biden tried to resurrect the deal, but could not bring Iran back to the negotiating table.

“Just a few short years ago under my presidency, we had the most secure border [in the history of our country].”

Annual apprehensions at the southwest border totaled 310,531 in fiscal year 2017, which included part of the Obama administration, and that was the lowest since 1971. But then the numbers spiked in Trump’s term, reaching 859,501 in fiscal year 2019, the highest since 2009. Apprehensions plunged in April 2020 because of lockdowns at the start of the pandemic.

“We had the greatest economy in the history of the world”

One of Trump’s favorite falsehoods is that he created the greatest economy in U.S. history, but he amps it here to encompass the whole world. That’s ridiculous.

Before the coronavirus pandemic shuttered businesses and sent unemployment soaring, the president could certainly brag about the state of the economy in his first three years as president. But he ran into trouble when he made a play for the history books to say it was the best economy ever.

By just about any important measure, the economy under Trump did not do as well as it did under Presidents Harry S. Truman, Lyndon B. Johnson and Bill Clinton. The gross domestic product grew at an annual rate of 2.3 percent in 2019, slipping from 2.9 percent in 2018 and 2.4 percent in 2017. But in 1997, 1998 and 1999, GDP grew 4.5 percent, 4.5 percent and 4.7 percent, respectively. Yet even that period paled in comparison with the 1950s and 1960s. Growth between 1962 and 1966 ranged from 4.4 percent to 6.6 percent. In postwar 1950 and 1951, it was 8.7 percent and 8 percent, respectively.

The unemployment rate reached a low of 3.5 percent under Trump, but for several months in 2023, the unemployment rate under Biden fell to as low as 3.4 percent. The unemployment rate dipped as low as 2.5 percent in 1953.

“We had no inflation.”

There was inflation under Trump — about 1.9 percent a year. That was pretty good but it was 1.4 percent a year under Obama.

“We’ve suffered the worst inflation we’ve ever had.”

Inflation under Biden has been the highest in four decades, but 9 percent is not the worst in history. It was 18 percent in 1946, more than 12 percent in 1974, more than 13 percent in 1979 and 12.5 percent in 1980. Many other years were at or near 9 percent.

“Our cities are flooded with illegal aliens. Americans are being squeezed out of the labor force and their jobs are taken. And by the way, you know who’s taking the jobs? The jobs that are created, 107 percent of those jobs are taken by illegal aliens.”

Trump falsely says that undocumented immigrants are taking jobs from U.S. citizens. Employment for the native-born population has increased by more than 7.2 million under Biden, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. (We start from February 2021, the first full month that reflects employment under Biden.)

Meanwhile, employment of foreign-born workers increased about 5 million from February 2021 through June, BLS says. The agency says this figure includes more than just undocumented immigrants; it also includes legally admitted immigrants, refugees and temporary residents such as students and temporary workers.

“Under this administration, groceries are up 57 percent, gasoline is up 60 and 70 percent. Mortgage rates have quadrupled.”

These numbers are inflated. Food prices overall have risen 21.4 percent since Biden took office, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics data that measures inflation for dairy products, meats, and fruits and vegetables.

As for gasoline, the price of crude oil was unusually low when Trump was in office because the coronavirus pandemic flattened economies around the world. After mass vaccination helped reopen many economies, demand increased again. But supply was lacking because oil producers decreased their production levels.

The retail price of gasoline was $2.64 a gallon in January 2021 when Trump left office. The price of regular gasoline now averages $3.52 a gallon, according to AAA. That’s an increase of 33 percent. (On an inflation-adjusted basis, gasoline now is slightly higher than the average of $3.20 over the last 106 years.)

As for mortgage rates, that is the result of Federal Reserve policy designed to tamp down inflation. But they did not quadruple. The average 30-year rate was 2.96 percent in 2021 and now is about 7 percent.

“We have more liquid gold under our feet than any other country by far. We are a nation that has the opportunity to make an absolute fortune with its energy.”

This is false. According to the Energy Information Administration, the United States has proven crude oil reserves of 44 billion barrels, which would put the country in 10th place. Venezuela, with 304 billion barrels of oil reserves, is in first place, followed by Saudi Arabia (259 billion), Iran (209 billion), Canada (170 billion) and Iraq (145 billion). The United States ranks fourth in the world in natural gas reserves.

“Under the Trump administration, just three and a half years ago, we were energy independent.”

Trump claims the United States energy independent because it exported more crude and refined products than it imported. (The United States still relied on other countries for its energy needs.) The situation has not changed under Biden. In 2023, the United States imported about 8.51 million barrels per day of petroleum and exported about 10.15 million barrels per day, according to the Energy Information Administration, making the United States still a net exporter.

“This is the only administration that said we’re going to raise your taxes by four times what you’re paying now.”

This is false. For five years, Biden has been consistent in saying he will not raise taxes on people making less than $400,000 a year, which leaves about the top 2 percent of taxpayers. Biden reiterated this pledge in the budget plan he released earlier this year.

“I will end the electric vehicle mandate on day one, thereby saving the U.S. auto industry from complete obliteration, which is happening right now.”

In April, the Environmental Protection Agency issued a regulation designed to promote a transition to more electric vehicles — part of a worldwide trend. The European Union, for instance, has mandated the sale of only zero-emission new cars by 2035.

There is no evidence that electric vehicles will lead to the end of the auto industry. Automakers have invested billions of dollars in electric-vehicle and battery manufacturing. A report issued by the Environmental Defense Fund in August said $93 billion of announced EV investments and nearly 85,000 in announced jobs took place in the 12 months after passage of the Inflation Reduction Act. In a December research report, Goldman Sachs said that as a result of the Inflation Reduction Act, the United States could be self-sufficient in EV battery production — including mining, components and battery production — by 2030.

“I got rid of NAFTA, the worst trade deal ever made, and replaced it with USMCA, which is, they say, the best trade deal ever made.”

Trump falsely suggests he significantly overhauled the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) when he replaced it with USMCA. But the new agreement only made modest tweaks to NAFTA, such as modernizing trade rules in effect from 1994 to 2020, giving some wins to U.S. farmers and blue-collar workers in the auto sector. Some elements of the deal were borrowed from the Trans Pacific Partnership, the trade deal Trump scrapped at the start of his term. The U.S. International Trade Commission, which is tasked with evaluating the impact of trade agreements, calculated USMCA would have a relatively minor impact: The USMCA would raise U.S. real gross domestic product by $68.2 billion (0.35 percent) and U.S. employment by 176,000 jobs (0.12 percent).

As for NAFTA being the worst deal ever made, the nonpartisan Congressional Research Service in 2017 concluded that the “net overall effect of the North American Free Trade Agreement on the U.S. economy appears to have been relatively modest, primarily because trade with Canada and Mexico accounts for a small percentage of U.S. GDP,” though it noted that “there were worker and firm adjustment costs as the three countries adjusted to more open trade and investment among their economies.”

“If you go back 20, 25 years, they’ve stolen, going to China and Mexico, about 68 percent of our auto industry manufacturing jobs.”

It’s unclear where Trump gets this figure; as president he would claim the number was 32 percent, but his administration never produced a source. Millions of manufacturing jobs and thousands of U.S. manufacturing establishments have disappeared since NAFTA took effect in 1994, but it’s difficult to isolate how much of that was because of NAFTA and not other factors, such as automation. The studies we reviewed indicate NAFTA had a modest effect on the U.S. economy.

“They’ve just hired, as you know, 88,000 [IRS] agents to go after them even more.”

Trump made this comment after he recounted a story about a waitress complaining about being taxed on her tips. This 88,000 figure is wildly exaggerated. The IRS employees have not yet all been hired and they are not all agents.

When Congress passed a bill to provide the IRS with an additional $80 billion in funding over 10 years, that money was to be used in part to hire 86,852 full-time employees in the next decade. But many of those employees would not be enforcement “agents” but people hired to improve information technology and customer service.

Treasury officials say that because of attrition, after 10 years of increasing spending, the size of the agency will have grown only 25 to 30 percent when the hiring burst is complete. The administration’s strategic plan for the IRS estimated that an additional 1,543 full-time employees would be hired for enforcement in 2023, or about 15 percent of newly hired staff. That would grow to 7,239 in 2024, or 37 percent of new staff. Biden administration officials have pledged that enforcement efforts to collect unpaid taxes will concentrate on those earning more than $400,000.

“I’m going to protect Social Security and Medicare. Democrats are going to destroy Social Security and Medicare because all of these people, by the millions, they’re coming in.”

This is false. Undocumented immigrants improve the health of Social Security and Medicare by paying payroll taxes without receiving benefits. In a fact check, we calculated the figure for Social Security payments made by undocumented immigrants is now about $27 billion. For Medicare, it should be at least $6 billion, as the Medicare tax is about 23 percent of the Social Security tax.

“The other countries weren’t accepting them back. And I called up and I said, tell them that we’re not giving them economic aid anymore.”

Trump told a long story about how he convinced countries that were not accepting the deportation gang members. He specifically mentioned MS-13, a transnational gang that formed in Los Angeles in the 1980s among members of the Salvadoran community who had fled violence and civil conflict in El Salvador. But he suggested the countries would not accept these gang members until he threatened to withhold aid. In his retelling, he claimed one official called him “sir” — usually a sign that Trump is telling a fable.

In reality, the United States deported hundreds of thousands of immigrants from Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador years before Trump took office. From 2013 to 2018, such deportations totaled 550,186. In fact, the Obama administration prioritized the deportations of gang members and individuals with criminal records. Trump, upon taking office, scrapped that priority list and allowed officials to prioritize nonviolent immigration offenders over violent ones.

“They’re coming from everywhere. They’re coming at levels that we’ve never seen before. It is an invasion, indeed. And this administration does absolutely nothing to stop them. They’re coming from prisons, they’re coming from jails. They’re coming from mental institutions and insane asylums.”

This is fantasy. Immigration experts know of no such effort by other countries.

As someone who came to prominence in the late ’70s and early ’80s, Trump appears to be channeling Cuban leader Fidel Castro’s 1980 Mariel boatlift. About 125,000 Cubans were allowed to flee to the United States in 1,700 boats — but there was a backlash when it was discovered that hundreds of refugees had been released from jails and mental health facilities.

Helen Fair, research associate at the Institute for Crime & Justice Policy Research in Britain, which tracks the world prison population (except for a handful of countries), says the numbers keep growing. In 2013, 10.2 million people were in prison — and that had grown to 10.77 million in 2021. A preliminary estimate for February 2024, not ready to be published, indicates the population has grown even more. “In short, I would disagree with Donald Trump’s assertion,” she said.

“Meanwhile, our crime rate is going up.”

This is false. Violent crime rates, especially for homicide in large cities, have fallen sharply during Biden’s presidency, after a surge during the pandemic. The violent crime rate is believed to be near its lowest level in 50 years.

“In Venezuela, Caracas. High crime, high crime. Caracas, Venezuela. Really a dangerous place, but not anymore. Because in Venezuela, crime is down 72 percent.”

There is no reliable data on crime in Venezuela — the government stopped publishing official data in 2015 — so it’s unclear where Trump gets this number. But it’s higher than what even the government says. In May, Venezuelan security officials announced that crime indicators had fallen by 25.1 percent compared to 2023, claiming that security forces had been successful in large-scale operations against criminal groups. Some experts believe the impossible-to-verify numbers are intended to boost the sagging popularity of the Nicolás Maduro government.

“We defeated 100 percent of ISIS in Syria and Iraq, something that was said to take five years. ‘Sir, it will take five years, sir.’ We did it in a matter of a couple of months.”

It took the United States and coalition partners more than two years to defeat the Islamic State (ISIS) after Trump took office. In fact, President Barack Obama set up virtually all the structure that did the key fighting against the Islamic State under Trump, and more fighters were trained and munitions dropped under Obama than under Trump.

Under Obama, all Iraqi cities held by ISIS (with the exception of the western half of Mosul) — such as eastern Mosul, Fallujah, Ramadi and Tikrit — were retaken by the end of his term, as was much of the northeastern strip of Syria along the Turkish border. The basic plan of attack in 2017 was also developed under Obama, though Trump sped up the tempo by changing the rules of engagement.

As for “100 percent,” that’s exaggerated. The loss of physical territory did not mean the group was defeated. In August 2019, the Defense Department inspector general warned: “Despite losing its territorial ‘caliphate,’ the Islamic State … solidified its insurgent capabilities in Iraq and was resurging in Syria. The reduction of U.S. forces has decreased the support available for Syrian partner forces at a time when their forces need more training and equipping to respond to the ISIS resurgence.”

“It began to unravel with the disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan, the worst humiliation in the history of our country.”

Biden essentially adhered to the timeline of withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan negotiated by Trump. The outcome might not have been much different if Trump had been reelected and was serving a second term at the time.

In March 2020, Trump approved an agreement with the Taliban (not the Afghan government) for U.S. forces to leave the country by May 2021. Despite abandoning many of Trump’s policies, President Biden decided to stick with this one, just stretching out the departure by a few months.

Trump originally celebrated Biden’s decision to stick with his original plan. “Getting out of Afghanistan is a wonderful and positive thing to do. I planned to withdraw on May 1st, and we should keep as close to that schedule as possible,” he said in a written statement after Biden announced he would continue the departure set in motion by Trump.

At a political rally on June 26, weeks before the collapse of the Afghan government, Trump bragged that he had made it difficult for Biden to change course. “I started the process. All the troops are coming back home. They couldn’t stop the process,” he said. “Twenty-one years is enough, don’t we think? Twenty-one years. They [the Biden administration] couldn’t stop the process. They wanted to, but it was very tough to stop the process.”

Trump’s tone changed after the Afghan military crumbled faster than intelligence officials predicted.

“We also left behind [in Afghanistan] $85 billion worth of military equipment.”

This is a highly inflated number for which we have previously awarded Trump Three Pinocchios. It’s not invented out of whole cloth. But it reflects all the money spent to train, equip and house the Afghan military and police — so weapons are just a part of that. U.S. military equipment was given to Afghan security forces over two decades. Tanks, vehicles, helicopters and other gear fell into the hands of the Taliban when the U.S.-trained force quickly collapsed. In 2022, CNN reported that a Defense Department report estimated that $7 billion of military equipment had been left behind.

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This post appeared first on The Washington Post