Hungarian police said on Thursday in a statement that they were banning the Budapest Pride march of the LGBTQ+ community planned for June 28.

Hungary’s parliament, in which Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s right-wing Fidesz Party has a big majority, passed legislation in March that created a legal basis for police to ban LGBTQ marches, citing the protection of children.

Budapest’s liberal mayor Gergely Karacsony tried to circumvent the law when he announced on Monday that since the Budapest Pride march will be a municipal event “no permits from authorities are needed”.

Budapest metropolitan police, however, said the law applied to the event organised by the mayor and banned it.

The police ban has “no relevance” as authorities were not officially notified of the plans for the event, Karacsony said on Facebook.

“The Metropolitan Municipality will host the Budapest Pride Freedom Celebration on June 28, the day of Hungarian freedom, as a municipal event. Period,” the mayor wrote. Tens of thousands of people are expected to attend the protest.

Orban faces a challenging election in 2026 where a new surging opposition party poses a threat to his rule.

His government has a Christian conservative agenda and its intensifying campaign against the LGBTQ community has aimed to please Fidesz’s core voters, mostly in the countryside.

Orban said in February that organisers should not even bother organizing Pride in Budapest this year.

Thailand’s Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra is facing increasing pressure to step down, after appearing to criticize the military in a 17-minute leaked phone call she had with Cambodia’s powerful former leader over an escalating border dispute.

The scandal, which sparked widespread anger in the country, brings fresh uncertainty to a country roiled by years of political turbulence and leadership shake-ups. Paetongtarn, 38, has only held the premiership for ten months after replacing another prime minister who was removed from office.

It also comes at a time when the Southeast Asian kingdom is struggling to boost its ailing economy, is negotiating a trade deal with the United States to avoid punishing tariffs, and is embroiled in an escalating border dispute with its neighbor Cambodia that has soured relations to their lowest point in years.

Paetongtarn apologized on Thursday and Thailand’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs summoned the Cambodian ambassador to deliver a letter of protest, calling the leak of the private phone call “a breach of diplomatic etiquette.”

“Thailand views that these actions are unacceptable conduct between states. It contradicts internationally accepted practices and the spirit of good neighborliness” and “undermined the trust and respect between the two leaders and countries,” a ministry spokesperson said in a statement.

In a post on his official Facebook page, Hun Sen said he had shared a recording of the call with about 80 Cambodian officials and suggested one of them may have leaked the audio. The 72-year-old political veteran later posted a recording of the 17-minute call in its entirety.

In the leaked call, which took place on June 15, Paetongtarn could be heard calling former Cambodian strongman Hun Sen “uncle” and appeared to criticize her own army’s actions in after border clashes led to the death of a Cambodian soldier last month.

Paetongtarn, a relative political newcomer from a powerful dynasty who became Thailand’s youngest prime minister last year, appeared to signal there was discord between her government and the country’s powerful military.

In the call, the Thai prime minister can be heard telling Hun Sen that she was under domestic pressure and urged him not to listen to the “opposite side,” in which she referred to an outspoken Thai army commander in Thailand’s northeast.

“Right now, that side wants to look cool, they will say things that are not beneficial to the nation. But what we want is to have peace just like before any clashes happened at the border,” Paetongtarn could be heard saying.

She also added that if Hun Sen “wants anything, he can just tell me, and I will take care of it.”

Her comments in the leaked audio, which was confirmed as authentic by both sides, struck a nerve in Thailand, and opponents accused her of compromising the country’s national interests. The Bhumjaithai party, a major partner of the prime minister’s government, withdrew from the coalition on Wednesday, dealing a major blow to her Pheu Thai party’s ability to hold power.

“Paetongtarn compromised her position as prime minister and damaged Thai national interest by kowtowing to Hun Sen,” said Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a professor of political science at Chulalongkorn University. “Her exit is a matter of time and she could be liable for further charges.”

The handling of the border dispute has also stoked nationalist fervor in both countries. In Thailand, conservative forces have called for Paetongtarn to face charges and resign. In Cambodia, thousands of people joined a government-organized rally last week in solidarity with the government and military over the issue.

Thailand and Cambodia have had a complicated relationship of both cooperation and rivalry in recent decades. The two countries share a 508-mile (817-kilometer) land border – largely mapped by the French while they occupied Cambodia – that has periodically seen military clashes and been the source of political tensions.

Paetongtarn on Wednesday tried to downplay her remarks to Hun Sen, saying at a press conference she was trying to diffuse tensions between the two neighbors and the “private” call “shouldn’t have been made public.”

The prime minister said she was using a “negotiation tactic” and her comments were “not a statement of allegiance.”

“I understand now, this was never about real negotiation. It was political theater,” she said. “Releasing this call… it’s just not the way diplomacy should be done.”

Hun Sen, the veteran leader who ruled Cambodia with an iron-fist for almost 40 years, stepped down in 2023 and handed power to his son Hun Manet.

But he remains a hugely influential figure in Cambodian politics, he currently serves as senate president and is a friend and ally of Paetongtarn’s father, the former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.

Border dispute

Tensions between the two neighbors worsened last month, when a Cambodian solider was killed during a brief clash between Thai and Cambodian troops in which both sides opened fire in a contested border area of the Emerald Triangle, where Cambodia, Thailand and Laos meet.

Thai and Cambodian forces said they were acting in self-defense and blamed the other for the skirmish.

Although military leaders from Thailand and Cambodia said they wished to de-escalate, both sides have since engaged in saber-rattling and reinforced troops along the border.

Thailand took control of border checkpoints, imposed restrictions on border crossings and threatened to cut electricity and internet to Cambodia’s border towns. Cambodia in return stopped imports of Thai fruit and vegetables and banned Thai movies and TV dramas.

Cambodia also filed a request with the UN’s International Court of Justice to seek a ruling over disputed border areas with Thailand, including the site of the most recent clash.

However, Thailand does not recognize the ICJ’s jurisdiction and claims that some areas along the border were never fully demarcated, including the sites of several ancient temples.

In 2011, Thai and Cambodian troops clashed in a nearby area surrounding the 11th century Preah Vihear temple, a UNESCO World heritage site, displacing thousands of people on both sides and killing at least 20 people.

A Nigerian university is facing backlash after a viral video appeared to show young women who were queuing for exams being checked for whether they were wearing bras before being allowed in.

In the video, one female student appeared to be removed from the queue after one of the women touched her.

Student union leader Muizz Olanrewaju Olatunji said in a post on X Tuesday that the check for bras “is not a new policy” in the school, which he stated, “promotes a dress code policy aimed at maintaining a respectful and distraction-free environment, encouraging students to dress modestly and in line with the institution’s values.”

Olatunji shared parts of what he said were the school’s policies, which described indecent dressing as that which shows sensitive body parts “such as breasts, buttocks, nipples and belly-buttons,” including “any dressing that is capable of making the same or opposite sex to lust after the student in an indecent manner.”

A ‘draconian’ policy

Human rights lawyer Inibehe Effiong described the OOU’s bra policy as “draconian” and “arbitrary,” and one that “might amount to some form of sexual harassment.”

“There could be medical explanations for why certain students may not feel comfortable wearing a bra at a particular time,” he said, adding that enforcing the policy “without exceptions, or without taking peculiarities into consideration is arbitrary,” and could lead to legal actions.

Student leader Olatunji said in another post on X Tuesday that talks were ongoing with OOU’s administration “to explore alternative approaches to addressing indecent dressing, focusing on respectful and dignified interactions between students and staff.”

It’s a big decision, but one where the outcomes get slowly better, either way, every day.

President Donald Trump has yet to determine whether to militarily involve the United States on Israel’s side in its six-day old conflict with Iran. But there is only so much further that the fight can escalate. There is a very palpable – and growing – limit on what Tehran can do.

Israel has already crossed every red line imaginable in Iran’s diplomatic lexicon. It has bombed Iran’s nuclear facilities, killed so many military leaders the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is on its third commander in a week, and claimed air supremacy over the country. Short of killing Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and convincing the US to bomb the Fordow fuel enrichment plant, it is running out of taboos to break.

Iran, for its part, has launched barrages of ballistic missiles at Israel, terrifying civilians, causing some extensive damage, killing nearly 30 people and wounding hundreds more. Yet this is not the existential catastrophe many feared Tehran could unleash. Iran lost nearly 10 times as many civilians as Israel did in the opening 48 hours of the conflict, according to its ministry of health. Tehran is already having to temper its punches – the volleys of missiles it fires vacillating wildly night by night – as it struggles with a depleting inventory of the medium-range ballistic missiles that can hit Israel.

Daily, the list of targets Israel is steadily hitting – at will, largely unopposed – grows. And with that, Iran’s ability to threaten the region shrinks. This must be key to Trump’s impenetrable calculations. And it echoes lessons perhaps learned after his decision – unprecedented and rash as it seemed at the time – to kill the most prominent figure in Iran’s military, Qassem Soleimani, in 2020.

At the time, the assassination, in response to rocket attacks that killed an American soldier in Iraq, seemed a fantastical “gloves off” moment, in which Tehran’s great military might could be unleashed. But that failed to transpire – Iran responded by hitting another American base, where the injuries were mostly concussion. It just did not have the muscle to risk an all-out war with the United States, and that was five years ago. Things have since got a lot worse for the Iranians.

Their main strategic ally, Russia, has come unstuck in an attritional three-year war of choice with Ukraine, meaning Tehran will likely have heard little back from Moscow if it asked for serious military support.

Iran’s nearby proxies – Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Assad regime in Syria – have been removed as effective fighting forces. Hezbollah was undone in a staggeringly brief, brutal but effective Israeli campaign last fall, revealing the militant group to be a hollow threat wildly outdone by the superior technology and intelligence of its southern adversary. The Assad regime suddenly collapsed in December – following years of diplomatic isolation over its horrific abuses in a savage civil war – after Syria’s northern neighbor, Turkey, helped rebels overwhelm Damascus.

Iran has found itself outmatched locally. It has known for years it cannot take on the US.

Those two facts considered, the risk of conflagration ebbs, and Trump’s choices look easier. He could simply hit Fordow, and other relevant nuclear sites, in a single wave of stealth B-2 bomber strikes, inform the Iranians that the US seeks no further confrontation, and anticipate a muted, acceptable retaliation. Iran lacks the inventory to seriously bombard Israel, let alone another, better equipped adversary’s military bases in the region.

Trump could continue to let the Israelis hit targets at will for weeks, while permitting European foreign ministers, who will meet their Iranian counterpart Abbas Araghchi in Geneva on Friday, to present Tehran with slowly worsening terms for a diplomatic settlement. Or Trump could do nothing, and permit Iran’s broad powerlessness to come more clearly into view as its missile stocks dwindle.

But inaction might make Trump look weak and ponderous. Resolving the issue of Iran and the prospect of it developing nuclear weapons would be a much-needed foreign policy win for a White House mired in bratty spats with allies, a stop-start trade war with China, and erratic diplomacy with Moscow over Ukraine. Even Germany’s chancellor, Friedrich Merz, said Israel was doing the Western world’s “dirty work” by taking out the Iranian nuclear threat. Barely anybody apart from Iranian hardliners thinks an Iranian nuclear bomb is a good idea.

The one remaining, huge risk Trump faces is that Iran, which has always insisted its program is peaceful, has a more advanced and secretive nuclear program than his bunker-busters can disable – perhaps now removed from Fordow or other publicly known sites after days of speculation they might be hit.

Such fears seem to fit with the Israeli intelligence assessments they claim expedited their recent campaign. But they would also seem to clash with the idea that further strikes can end any Iranian ambition for an atomic bomb indefinitely.

Secondly, one might argue that, by now, with its Supreme Leader directly threatened and capital’s skies wide open, Iran would have decided to race for nuclear weapons already, if it could. What else would Iran need to have happen to it?

The “known unknowns” – the things we know we do not know, as Donald Rumsfeld would have put it before Iran’s neighbor, Iraq, was invaded by the US in 2003 – are plentiful. And they more or less point in a direction where Iran is weakened, and whatever choice Trump makes is met with a muted or manageable response from Tehran, which will soon need a diplomatic solution to ensure the survival of what remains of its government and military.

The “unknown unknowns” are what mired the US in Iraq. They probably abound, although by definition we don’t know what they are. But they are overshadowed by the simple fact that neither Israel nor the US intends to occupy Iran. And Iran is increasingly too weak to strike back meaningfully, as it watches its decades-old red lines vanish fast from view.

After days of tit-for-tat strikes between Israel and Iran, for the civilians caught up in Israel’s bombing campaign, life is filled with uncertainty.

A week into the conflict, Iranians’ contact with the outside world is difficult, hampered by sporadic internet and phone coverage. Some – typically wealthy activists – have access to Starlink terminals providing independent internet access.

“We have electricity but gasoline is useless to us because we have nowhere to go outside Tehran,” he said, after long lines of traffic departing the capital were seen in recent days.

Glued to the TV watching an outlawed Iranian broadcaster based in London, he said his family hadn’t left their house in recent days.

⁠”Daily life is filled with constant fear and distrust,” he said.

From Shiraz in southern Iran, a 55-year-old English teacher described a “huge group of people waiting” to withdraw cash at a bank branch in the city center.

“The workers were completely overwhelmed and said they just cannot process all these requests for cash. I wouldn’t say it was chaotic, but I do feel there is an underlying feeling of panic,” he said.

Destruction and despair

A hairdresser from Shiraz lamented the destruction being inflicted: “I don’t even know what to say. You watch the videos, the photos. People are being killed, our country is being looted, falling apart like this.”

“Israel and the US don’t care about the Iranian people,” she said. “You want to hit the real target, but it’s surrounded by ordinary people. They’re destroying the country.”

Bleak prospects

More than 200 people have been killed in Iran, according to Tehran, with Israel’s strikes taking out much of the key leadership in the country’s military and nuclear program. But Iran has accused Israel of also targeting its energy and digital infrastructure.

“We are paying the price for a dictatorship and its arrogance,” shared a nurse from Mashad, northeast Iran, whose father was a decorated war veteran. “But now that all its forces (in the region) have been destroyed, it seems that its own turn has come,” she added.

Watching the attacks on a deeply unpopular regime, some Iranians confessed to welcoming the strikes, even as civilians were caught up in the bombings.

“Still, I’ll say it, I’m genuinely happy. Really, deeply happy!” she added. “I believe it’s worth it, for the sake of future generations.”

But a week into the fighting, even as diplomatic channels for peace start to coalesce, there’s still no sign of an end to the bombings. Uncertainty has only been fueled by US President Donald Trump teasing the possibility of US aircraft joining the bombing campaign.

Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei has slammed Trump’s call for surrender, warning that America’s involvement in Israel’s military campaign would “100% be at their loss.”

Other Iranians share his defiance.

“The mood in Iran is starting to morph into an environment of nationalism,” according to a 69-year-old Iranian-American woman visiting Tehran. “I saw a lot of cars waving the Islamic Republic flag from their windows as we drove out of town.”

“Now that Trump has come this far, he will see it through to the end. They don’t let a wounded bear go free,” she said.

A serial rapist who was convicted of raping 10 women in the United Kingdom and China has been jailed for life with a minimum term of 24 years.

Zhenhao Zou, 28, was sentenced Thursday at Inner London Crown Court. Judge Rosina Cottage told him he would serve 22 years and 227 days before he was eligible for parole, taking into account time spent on remand, according to the UK’s PA Media.

Zou was found guilty in March of 11 counts of rape, one count of false imprisonment, three counts of voyeurism and a number of other offenses, including the possession of extreme pornographic images and the possession of a controlled drug with intent to commit a sexual offense.

Many of his victims were “unconscious and rendered defenseless” after being drugged, according to prosecutors.

Police and prosecutors said Zou, who also used the name “Pakho” online, contacted students of Chinese heritage on WeChat and dating apps, inviting them to his apartments in London and China to drug and assault them. The police said he also took items from his victims, including jewelry and clothing.

The UK’s Crown Prosecution Service said Zou filmed some of the attacks using a mobile device and hidden cameras. The police said he “manipulated and drugged women in order to prey on them in the most cowardly way.”

Zou was a PhD student at University College London. He was arrested in January 2024 after one of his victims came forward to police.

Prosecutors in March said that the “courageous women who came forward to report Zhenhao Zou’s heinous crimes” had been “incredibly strong and brave” and that there was “no doubt” that their evidence had led to his convictions.

Ivana Kottasová contributed to this report.

Transporting the world’s second largest land mammal halfway across the second largest continent isn’t exactly easy.

But in a 3,400-kilometer (2,100-mile) journey that involved crates, cranes, trucks, and a Boeing 747, 70 captive bred southern white rhinos were moved from South Africa to Rwanda’s Akagera National Park in early June as part of an initiative to “rewild” them.

The creatures, which can weigh over 2,000 kilograms (more than 4,000 pounds), originated from a controversial breeding program started in the 1990s by property developer John Hume.

Hume, who spent years lobbying for the legalization of the rhino horn trade, amassed stockpiles of horn, obtained by trimming them without harming the animals, with the aim of flooding the market to driver poachers out of business and to fund conservation efforts.

But he ran out of money, and with the horn trade still banned under international law, he put the rhinos up for sale in 2023. He told Agence France-Presse (AFP) at the time that he’d spent around $150 million on the project – with surveillance being the largest cost. “I’m left with nothing except 2,000 rhinos and 8,000 hectares (20,000 acres) of land.”

He didn’t receive a single bid. African Parks — a conservation nonprofit that manages 23 protected areas across the continent — stepped in to acquire for an undisclosed sum what was the largest rhino captive breeding operation in the world, with plans to “rewild” the animals over 10 years.

The translocation marked the first cross-continental move for African Parks’ Rhino Rewild initiative.

“It’s a very important milestone,” says Taylor Tench, a senior wildlife policy analyst at the nonprofit Environmental Investigation Agency US, who wasn’t involved in the relocation. “This is definitely a big development with respect to African Parks’ efforts.”

‘A story of hope’

Today, there remain only about 17,000 southern white rhinos in Africa and they’re classified as “near threatened” on the International Union for Conservation of Nature’s Red List. That means the 2,000 southern white rhinos that African Parks bought, and plans to spread around the continent, comprise more than 10% of the remaining population.

Although the international trade of rhino horn has been banned under the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) since 1977, demand from consumers in Asia who see it as a status symbol, or falsely believe it can cure ailments ranging from hangovers to cancer, is still driving poaching.

Poachers sometimes kill a rhino outright, or tranquilize it before cutting off its horn, sometimes hacking off a large portion of the animal’s face, leaving it bleeding to death.

In South Africa, where the majority of the population lives, 420 rhinos were poached in 2024. More than 100 were killed in the first three months of this year.

Tench says that rhino poaching was rampant in the continent from 2012 to 2015, and a “lot has been accomplished since then.” He added that Kenya lost no rhinos last year and that poaching has dropped significantly in Zimbabwe. Today, poaching is mostly concentrated in South Africa and Namibia, he says.

To better address the issue, Tench says more government resources should be dedicated to addressing the organized criminal networks behind the poaching and international trading of rhino horn, and to increased international cooperation.

Rickelton says there are a number of future relocation projects in various stages of discussion and planning. He adds that a strong framework is in place to ensure the locations that receive the rhinos provide a suitable habitat, security to keep the animals safe, and enough funding to care for them.

The move to Akagera National Park took more than a year and a half of planning and approvals. And the cost of moving each rhino, including three years of monitoring and management afterwards, is about $50,000 (the move was backed by the Howard G. Buffet Foundation).

The animals were first moved from the breeding program facility to the South African private game reserve Munywana Conservancy, to expose them to conditions more like Akagera. Then, the rhinos were loaded into individual steel crates, driven to an airport in Durban, South Africa, and carefully loaded by crane onto a Boeing 747.

After arrival in Kigali, Rwanda, the rhinos made the final leg of their journey by road. Now, the rhinos need to adapt to their new environment. They’ll be monitored by a veterinary team for several weeks.

Measures like a canine unit to reduce poaching are in place in Akagera, which has reduced poaching to “near zero” levels, according to the park.

There’s reason for optimism. In 2021, African Parks moved 30 rhinos to Akagera from a private game reserve in South Africa. Since, they’ve had 11 offspring. With the addition of 70 more rhinos, “we’ve now established a genetically viable herd of rhino,” says Rickelton.

He says that seeing the rhinos emerge from their crates at the end of the journey “makes months and months of really hard work and frustration and challenges really worth it.” Rickelton adds: “It’s a story of hope in a world of not too much positive.”